ESTH Report
The Fading of Chinese Environmental Secrecy
A report from U.S. Embassy Beijing March 1998
Summary: Despite a 1989 law requiring regular environmental reports
by all levels of Chinese government, local governments kept environmental
information secret until 1997 when 27 cities began making weekly air pollution
reports. A 1997 World Bank report co-authored by Chinese experts pointed
to severe health effects of pollution in major Chinese cities including
Jinan, Chongqing and Beijing. The central government had great difficulty
in persuading local governments, fearful of embarrassment and popular discontent
about worsening environmental conditions, to issue the regular reports
on local environmental conditions required by the 1989 Environment Law.
Some local Environmental Protection Bureaus are still more open than others.
Some cities like Shanghai report the concentration of sulfur dioxide, nitrous
oxides and particulate levels. Other cities such as Beijing report the
concentration of the one pollutant of the three which has the highest Air
Pollution Index (API), a scale unique to the PRC. Environmental secrecy
not only dulled public awareness of the problem but has also deprived government
policy-makers and scholars of the accurate information needed to find the
most appropriate, lowest-cost solutions to the very different pollution
problems faced by various Chinese cities.
Limitations such as little manpower (NEPA has only 400 employees),
weak financial resources (the central government has only seven percent
of all PRC government spending), poor coordination horizontally with other
agencies and vertically with nominally subordinate environmental protection
bureaus, all combine to make it difficult for the PRC National Environmental
Protection Administration (NEPA) to get reliable information about the
environmental situation throughout China and to see that local governments
enforce environmental laws and regulations. For example, only in December
1997 was NEPA able to conclude that township and village enterprises, which
contribute half of PRC GDP but have been excluded from NEPA statistics
for lack of information, accounted for half of all PRC pollution. The NEPA
strategy to improve environmental law enforcement is to use media reports
on pollution to form an environmentally-aware public opinion that will
put pressure on polluters and local governments. The fading of environmental
secrecy appears to be part of a general opening trend. Chinese scholars
and even some political leaders have referred to 1997 the �third period
of ideological liberation? after 1978 and 1992. A February 1997 PRC magazine
article referred to here and available in full on the Embassy Beijing EST
section web page reflects local government resistance to openness on environmental
matters and the determination of NPC Environment Chairman Qu Geping to
see that environmental laws and regulations are implemented throughout
China. Two recent PRC books examined in the bibliography place the new
openness in environmental matters in the context of the general opening
of Chinese society. End summary.
Environmental Law Required Reports to the Public: Eight Years From
Enactment to Implementation
Concern by local and some national-level officials about public reaction
to news of the worsening of environmental conditions has delayed implementation
of the 1989 PRC Environmental Law which requires regular environmental
reports by all levels of government until 1997. The 1989 PRC Environmental
Law stipulates �The departments with administrative responsibility for
environmental protection of the State Council, each province, autonomous
region and municipality directly subject to the central government should
periodically publish reports on the environmental situation? The State
Council has for several years issued annual reports about the state of
the environment in the PRC. Local governments however, with the notable
exception of Shenyang in China�s northeast, have long resisted informing
their citizens about local environmental conditions.
1997 Brought Much Greater Openness on Air Pollution
A big change came about during 1997. A Guangdong Environmental Protection
Bureau (EPB) official told ESTOFF in September 1997 that air quality figures
for Guangdong cities were confidential until publication began in 1997.
During 1997, twenty-seven cities began weekly air pollution reports. Beijing
began weekly air pollution reports on February 28, 1998 just before the
opening of the National People�s Congress in early March. (Ref A also http://www.redfish.com/USEmbassy-China/sandt/bjplca.htm
Other related reports are on the EST subpage at http://www.redfish.com/USEmbassy-China/sandt/sandt.htm).
Some cities, including Beijing, report only the API number corresponding
to a pollutant concentration of one three major pollutants measures. Pollutants
measured are sulfur dioxide, NOx and total particulates. The API number
for the pollutant that scores the highest on an Air Pollution Index (API)
unique to the PRC is released for the weekly report to the mass media.
Beijing also reports the top API figure among the three pollutants at seven
monitoring stations in the urban districts of Beijing. Other cities, like
Shanghai, report the API of all three pollutants. The API index can be
converted into a concentration per cubic meter and then compared with values
for other cities and with literature on pollution health hazards using
the method explained in Appendix two. See Appendix One for a list of WHO
and U.S. healthful exposure limits to sulfur dioxide, nitrous oxides and
total suspended particulates.
Chinese Experts Co-Author World Bank Report on Air Pollution Health
Risks
Chinese and World Bank experts worked together on the China portions
of the late 1997 China air pollution and health study �Can the Environment
Wait??The report, which links air pollution to many cases of bronchitis
and other respiratory ailments, was published in China in late 1997 and
reviewed favorably the national health newspaper [Zhongguo Jiankang Bao]
and other papers. According to the World Bank report �Can the Environment
Wait?? eliminating pollution above WHO guideline levels would cut annual
premature deaths by 10,000, chronic bronchitis cases by 81,000 and events
of respiratory symptoms among the seven million inhabitants of Beijing�s
urban district by 270 million symptoms each year.
Comment: Rising Public Concerns About Air Pollution and Health
Given the growing concern of Chinese people about the effects of air
pollution and the obvious, although indirect criticism of Chinese under-investment
in environmental protection in the report, the publication of the World
Bank report is another sign of rapidly increasing PRC openness on environmental
matters. Air pollutants are becoming a great public concern in China, not
for their effect on climate change but for their effect on human health.
Air pollution epidemiology is one field that can take advantage of newly
available air quality data to help PRC policy-makers address air pollution
problems more effectively.
PRC Pollution in Fifteen Year Perspective: Particles Down Sharply But
More Autos So Nitrous Oxides Up
Snapshot descriptions of Chinese environmental problems often fail to
bring out real progress made in some areas over the last two decades. Shenyang,
not only well-known for pollution but also much more open about it environmental
problems than most cities, is among the cities which have made the most
progress. The barrier forest belts of northern China as well as the planting
of large numbers of trees has sharply reduced the desert dust blowing into
northern cities. A 1993 NEPA publication, �Twenty Years of Environmental
Monitoring in China?provides year by year annual comparisons of total
suspended particles (TSP), sulfur dioxide, and NOx levels in Chinese cities.
According to NEPA between 1981 and 1992 the average TSP in northern cities
fell from 900 to 400 mcg per cubic meter; nitrous oxides held steady at
an average of 58 mcg per cubic meter; and sulfur dioxide rose from approximately
100 to 150 mcg per cubic meter. Levels of suspended particles and sulfur
dioxide are much higher during the winter heating season than during the
Summer and Fall.
Specific examples of TSP reductions in Northern Chinese cities between
1981 and 1992 are as follows: Xi�an dropped from 1400 mcg/cubic meter to
about 530 mcg/cubic meter, Jinan from 1600 to 600 mcg/cubic meter, and
Shenyang from 350 to 280 mcg/cubic meter. A few cities such as Chengdu
(up from 280 to 330 mcg/cubic meter) saw sulfur dioxide pollution increases
between 1981 and 1992.
WHO Top TSP Pollution ?5: Beijing, Shenyang, Xi�an
More recent PRC official information is found in the China Energy Development
Report 1997 [Zhongguo Nengyuan Fazhan Baogao] published in June 1997. By
contrast with the NEPA publications discussion of the previous decade,
Chinese emissions of TSP and SO2 increased at 1.66 percent and 5.11 percent
annually from 1991 to 1995. These figures exclude pollution generated by
the township and village enterprises which account for roughly half of
China�s GDP. According to the report, the level of TSPs in northern Chinese
cities averaged 392 micrograms/cubic meter, well above, says the report
the �WHO recommended limit of 60 - 90 micrograms per cubic meter? A 1995
WHO comparison of TSP levels in world cities put five Chinese cities --
Beijing, Shenyang, Xi�an, Shanghai and Guangzhou among the ten cities with
the worst TSP pollution. [Note: The level of total suspended particulates,
especially levels of inhalable particles under 10 microns in diameter,
is one of the aspects of air pollution regularly cited as being of most
concern in the literature on health and air pollution. End note]
Under One Percent of Cities Meet Strictest Air Standard
In 1995 fewer than 1 percent of the 600-plus cities in China meet the
Class 1 PRC air pollution standard. This is the strictest PRC air pollution
standard. The PRC Class 1 Ambient Air Quality standard specifies an annual
average pollution level not to exceed 20 micrograms per cubic meter of
sulfur dioxide, 80 mcg/cubic meter TSP and 50 mcg/cubic meter nitrous oxides.
According to the report, nitrous oxides have already become the most serious
wintertime pollutant in Beijing and Guangzhou. [Note: ESTOFF has heard
and read differing opinions from PRC environmental officials on this point.
Some say that sulfur dioxide remains the most severe wintertime Beijing
air pollutant. End note]
World Bank Reports : Beijing Air Worse Than Shenyang But Less Harmful
than Chongqing
�Can the Environment Wait??used Chinese local environmental data and
current understanding of the health effects of pollution to estimate the
health costs of pollution relative to a percentage of the average urban
incomes people would be willing to pay to escape the pollution in their
city. Among China�s biggest cities the ranking was Jinan (38), Chongqing
(30), Beijing (28), Xi�an (26), Harbin (24), Shenyang (23), Chengdu (22),
Tianjin (21), Guangzhou (10), and Shanghai (8). For comparison, the corresponding
figures for several other Asian cities are Jakarta (12), Bangkok (7), Manila
(7), and Seoul (4). �Can the Environment Wait??included estimates of annual
premature deaths, chronic bronchitis cases, and respiratory symptoms associated
with air pollution for each city.
Comment: World Bank Report Challenges Preconceptions
The World Bank report surprises by ranking Beijing one-fifth more polluted
than Shenyang on a scale based upon health damage caused by pollution.
Press reports and reporting from U.S. Consulate Shenyang point to a significant
improvement in Shenyang�s air over the past several years. Now that air
quality information for many Chinese cities is being made public, better
quality information on seasonal and local variations in air pollution will
gradually emerge. Even if the health cost analysis in �Can the Environment
Wait??were to be prove faulty, the relative ranking of cities is very
interesting. Reports from U.S. Consulates General in Shenyang and Guangzhou
as well as PRC media reports describe increasing concern about environmental
issues. End comment]
The Problem: NEPA Lacks Local Information, Direct Power to Enforce
Regulations on Local Level
The Chinese National Environmental Protection Agency, unlike its counterparts
in many Western countries, does not control the budgets or the operations
of provincial and local environmental protection bureaus (EPB). The budget
of the provincial environmental protection bureaus is controlled by the
provincial government. The head of the provincial EPB is named by the provincial
governor. A Chinese academic who frequently serves on advisory panels to
the State Council told ESTOFF recently that the pattern of weak center-local
and horizontal interagency links holds true for many Chinese government
agencies. The academic went on to say that the Chinese central government
itself is relatively small and only accounts for seven percent of all government
spending. The academic said that as a result of poor communications both
horizontally with related agencies and vertically with nominally subordinate
local agencies, many ministries at the center have little information about
what is going on around the country and little ability to see that central
government directives are implemented. Especially difficult for NEPA, a
Chinese Academy of Sciences scholar who often writes on environmental matter
told Embassy ES&T officer, is the enforcement of regulations against
state-owned enterprises or against the many township and village enterprises.
[Note: NEPA announced in December 1997 that the TVEs contribute both half
of China�s GDP and half of its pollution. End note]
Comment: How Much Does the Central Government Know?
EST section has noted many instances in which the central government
apparently has little information on what is going on in the health and
environment fields around China. This appears to be true for many ministries.
Embassy officers are often told that high officials are big fans of investigative
reporting on Chinese television, with the implication that the TV reports
are an important source of information for the officials. The just-published
best-selling book �Confrontation: An Account of the Three Periods of Ideological
Liberation in China?[Jiaofeng: Sanci Sixiang Jiefang Shilu, see bibliographic
note at end] (p. 232) notes that over the past three years Jiang Zemin,
Li Peng and Zhu Rongji made 40 inspection tours over the past three years
to understand what is really going on and to evaluate the progress of reform.
An early 1980s Deng Xiaoping quotation �Feel the rocks as you cross the
river?is invoked to underline the importance of these inspection tours.
The National People�s Congress (para. 20 below) also relies on inspection
teams to see if laws are being enforced. Embassy ES&T officer, in giving
improptu talks to two different groups of middle-ranking Chinese officials
and academics recently, tested the argument that very poor circulation
of information and very poor coordination among work units (and government
agencies) is the root cause of much of the inefficiency and ineffectiveness
in Chinese government. In both cases, the Chinese audience agreed strongly.
One professor told ES&T officer that these are very important points
and that �we have become numb to this fact because it is so much part of
our daily lives.?The closed nature of Chinese work units and their unwillingness
to share information and cooperate with other units is one manifestation
of what many Chinese leaders and academics call �fengjian?a word often
mistranslated as feudal. Chinese Academy of Social Sciences researcher
Shen Jiru argues in his recent book that the commercialization of Chinese
society will gradually solve this problem. See bibliography entry for the
February 1998 �China Doesn�t Want to Be �Mr. No?for an examination of
Shen�s analysis. The relationship of the central government to local governments
is a very important and poorly understood matter central to the understanding
of environmental policy and its enforcement as well as in many other areas.
Comment: Media Controls, Local Government Block Flow of Information
to the Center
Not only is enforcement difficult, but media controls and the power
of local governments often prevent information about local environmental
problems from reaching the national government. An example is the devastation
of the nature preserve habitat of the golden monkeys in Deqing Prefecture,
Yunnan Province. The nature preserve was clear-cut by a state-owned timber
company in part to benefit the treasury of an impoverished local government.
The central government authorities only learned about this matter when
a nature photographer, contacted State Councilor Song Jian with the help
of some prominent environmentalists.
Paradoxically, tight links between local governments and ministries
and even ostensibly private enterprises impedes the enforcement of environmental
regulations. Government ministries and agencies have often used their influence
to protect enterprises under them from regulations and so earn more money
for the ministry and its officials. One of the principles of China�s sweeping
government reorganization is the separation of business operations from
government regulatory organizations [zhengqi fenkai] in order to remove
structural incentives to corruption from the Chinese government system.
The reform program, if thoroughly implemented, might remove impediments
to the accurate reporting of pollution statistics. [Note: See the translations
�The Pathological Expansion of the Selfish Interest of Government Departments?
from the Chinese newspaper Southern Weekend [Nanfang Zhoumou]on the Embassy
Beijing EST section web page at http://www.redfish.com/USEmbassy-China/sandt/dptcrpt.htm
and dptwhy.htm for examples. End note]
Environmental Secrecy, Gov�t Layers and NEPA Surveys
Environmental secrecy not only keeps information away from the people,
it has also to a certain degree blind the Chinese central government to
the seriousness of environmental deterioration in many areas. ESTOFF asked
a NEPA official in Spring 1997 what the proportion of PRC pollution was
made by the township and village enterprises (TVE) and another official
about differences in pollution patterns in various Chinese cities. The
official told ESTOFF that NEPA did not know how much pollution was made
by the TVEs but had been sending out survey teams to study TVE pollution.
NEPA statistics have excluded TVE pollution because of lack of information,
although TVEs now produce half of the Chinese GDP. The second official
said that air pollution information was not collected centrally and that
if ESTOFF wanted the information he would have to ask the EPB of each city.
[Note: According to a report in the newspaper Southern Weekend [Nanfang
Zhoumou] central collection of urban air pollution data began in January
1998. End note]
TVEs: Half of PRC Pollution and Rural Environment Decline
A NEPA two year study of township and village enterprise (TVE) pollution
completed in December 1997 found that the TVEs produce about half of Chinese
air pollution and that rural pollution by TVEs increased rapidly during
1991 - 1996. The two year survey, conducted jointly by NEPA, the Ministry
of Agriculture, the Ministry of Finance and the State Statistical Bureau,
which ran from January 1996 to December 1997 and collected 20 million data
items. The report appeared on the front page of the December 25, 1997 issue
of China Environment News [Zhongguo Huangjing Bao] a national environmental
newspaper published by NEPA. The report found that industrial dust and
solid waste produced by TVEs had increased by 182 percent and 552 percent
since 1989. Chinese pollution statistics have thus far excluded TVE pollution
because of the lack of data. A NEPA official explains to ESTOFF last Spring
that a TVE is an enterprise which has its ownership in a village or township
regardless of where the enterprise is located. Although most are in the
countryside, some TVEs are in cities. See 97 BEIJING 018025 paragraphs
9 - 10 also available on Embassy Beijing web page at http://www.redfish.com/USEmbassy-China/sandt/envlaw.htm
Comment: TVEs, Rural Air Pollution and Health
Fragmentary information in the China Health Annual [Zhongguo Weisheng
Nianjian] published by the Ministry of Health suggests that respiratory
problems are as common in the countryside as in the city. The rate of women
having respiratory problems is similar to that of men although men are
much more likely to be smokers. Air pollution, possibly from household
stoves, may play some role in rural respiratory disorders. The most serious
and least understood part of China�s pollution problems may well be in
the countryside and not in the cities.
Reduce Rural Environmental Deterioration, Stop It By 2010
The target year for stopping environmental deterioration throughout
the country in speeches by national leaders is generally 2010, although
a target for improving environmental conditions most cities well before
then is often expressed. Often in a discussion of China�s goals, leaders
place emphasis on development for the first decade of the 21st Century
and call for halting environmental deterioration in the Chinese countryside
as a current objective but one not expected to be achieved until the year
2010. An example is the NEPA Administrator Xie Zhenhua to the 1998 National
Environmental Working Conference put it this way: �The 15th Party Congress
set the economic and social development goal of doubling Chinese GDP in
the first decade of the 21st Century.... In accordance with this the state
has already set the goal of a general halt to environmental deterioration
by the year 2010 and to achieve by that year already a net improvement
in urban and rural areas. For the year 2020 to reverse the environmental
deterioration trend to achieve even more improvements in the urban and
rural environment. By 2030 to achieve an environment in which a virtuous
cycle for steady improvement is well-established and harmony between economic
and environmental development.?
Xie called for people to avoid the trap of �laxness in enforcement?
and �pollute first, and clean up later? Xie, echoing Premier Li Peng�s
talk at the Fourth National Environment Conference, called on environmental
officials to adopt a win-win approach that served the goals of both economic
development and environmental protection in order to win the support of
society and the leadership. The clearer picture of environmental deterioration
in the countryside and TVE pollution emerging as a result of the two year
TVE survey will probably help policy-makers attack the problem of rural
environmental deterioration more effectively. [Note: NEPA Administrator
Xie�s speech appeared in the February 15 issue of China Environmental Work
Bulletin [Zhongguo Huanjing Gongxuo Tongxun] a NEPA publication very useful
in following Chinese environmental policy and its implementation. End note]
Where Does Openness Come From? A Weak Center Seeks Support From An
Environmentally-Aware Citizenry
National Environmental Protection Agency officials have told the U.S.
Embassy that the campaign to increase public awareness on environmental
issues is part of a deliberate strategy to put pressure on local governments
to enforce environmental regulations.
Qu Geping: NPC Uses Surveys and Publicity to Improve Compliance
NPC Natural Resources and Environment Committee Chairman Qu Geping,
who earlier served as the first NEPA administrator, told visiting U.S.
senators in Fall 1997 that the conception of obedience to law is still
quite weak in China. Qu said that the National People�s Congress of China
may be the only parliamentary body in the world that needs to send investigation
teams through the countryside to see if the laws are being obeyed. Qu told
the U.S. senators that the NPC had sent out 30 study teams over the previous
five years to examine the enforcement of the laws. Qu said that using the
media to expose violators and to praise enforcers of environmental regulations
was the main tool the NPC could use to get local government compliance
with national environmental protection regulations. Qu said that if the
NPC did not send inspection teams throughout the countryside, it would
be very hard to ensure compliance with central government laws and regulations.
Qu: The Transition from Rule of Man to Rule of Law
Qu said told the visiting senators that Chinese have a weak conception
of law but that China was moving rapidly away from the rule of man to the
rule of law and democracy. As an example, Qu said that the NPC had passed
only 23 laws between 1949 and 1979 but 324 between 1979 and late 1997.
The study teams and publicity are part of a strategy to use the media to
supervise the enforcement of environmental regulations in the countryside,
said Qu. In the August 1996 State Council �Decisions on Environmental Protection?
which states ?..The general public [should] participate in the work of
environmental protection and to report and expose various offenses against
environmental laws and regulations.?and �Exposing those economic units
and individuals which have caused serious pollution and ecological damage
is part of the supervisory role media institutions should play.?Implementing
the August 1996 State Council decision has not been easy.
Why Did Local Officials Keep Air Pollution Secret?
Many local officials have strongly opposed implementing the requirement
of the 1989 NPC law calling for regular reports on the environment be made
to the public. Many local environmental bureau officials, with the notable
exception of Shenyang officials, favored environmental secrecy in interviews
published over one year ago in a February 1997 issue of the PRC magazine
Sanlian Life Weekly [Sanlian Shenghuo Zhoukan]. The article was published
before Shanghai and twenty-seven other cities began releasing regular environmental
notices to the mass media beginning in May 1997. The interviews give a
good picture of the local government attitudes that NEPA and other environmental
players such as Qu Geping in Beijing have had to overcome. The full text
of the interview is on the U.S. Embassy EST web page at http://www.redfish.com/USEmbassy-China/sandt/art.htm
Local Environmental Officials Explain Openness Fears
Here is what the local officials told the two Sanlian Life Weekly reporters
in early 1997:
Shanghai: Fear of the Question �Why Did the Government Give Us Such
Bad Air??/H4>
�Deterioration or improvement in the environment doesn�t happen over
just a year or two. If we were simply to release environmental information
to the public, the disadvantages would outweigh the advantages. The environmental
consciousness of people today is very weak. Even if we sent the environmental
quality notice to every home in Shanghai, many people wouldn�t read it.
But maybe the people who did read it would cause some social unrest. They
might say, �The government did a bad job. Why did you give us such bad
air??/P>
Beijing: International Image, Fear Civil Disorders
�It [publishing notices about the environmental situation] is linked
to social stability, the public image of Beijing and to other matters such
as foreign affairs.?and �Let me give you an example. Beijing Municipality
has three seriously polluted rivers. We call them �The Three Roundworms?
Today, after a great deal of effort, we have solved the pollution problems
of two of these rivers. But we will not be able to solve the problem of
the third river anytime soon. If we were to tell the eople, �This river
is very seriously polluted but we can�t be able to do anything about it.?
wouldn�t that be encouraging civil disorders??/P>
West China: We Need Poverty Alleviation, Not Environment
West Central China: �The main objective of the undeveloped areas is
poverty alleviation. With our human and financial resources so weak, we
need to do something. Moreover, some environmental data is kept secret
out of diplomatic necessity.?/P>
Air Monitoring Official: Public, Investor Reaction Feared
An environmental monitoring official: �Just because we can do it doesn�t
mean we should do it. We should make public environmental quality information,
but we need to think about the consequences. For example, Beijing does
not release its environmental quality information out of concern for its
public image. Moreover, we are developing our economy and attracting foreign
investment. But foreign investors are more and more concerned about the
environmental quality of the region in which they are investing. If we
were to release the environmental quality notice, the foreign investor
would cancel investment plans. This would result in unnecessary harm to
China�s economic development and especially to the economic development
of the coastal provinces.?
Shenyang: Frankness Pressures Polluters, Improves Air
Gao Jizhong, former Vice Mayor of Shenyang in charge of environmental
protection, spoke out in favor of openness. Gao said ?..The [air pollution
forecasts] helped spread knowledge about environmental protection and to
make people more aware of the importance of environmental protection. ...[They]
brought a lot of pressure to bear on the polluters. For example, the Shenyang
Smeltery [Shenyang Yelianchan] �contributes?forty percent of Shenyang�s
sulfur dioxide pollution. Our broadcasts made the plant more conscious
of this.?and ��Shenyang�s pollution is written all over the face of the
city. Even if you say nothing, people will still know about it. Shenyang�s
air pollution problem is the result of many historical factors. If we want
foreign merchants to trust us, we need to attack the problem at its root.?/P>
NPC Environment and Natural Resources Committee Chairman Qu Geping
Says Just Excuses!
National People�s Congress Environment and Natural Resources Committee
Chairman Qu Geping, a former head of China�s National Environmental Protection
Agency told the journalists bluntly, �These are really just excuses. The
real reason behind them is that the quality of the environment is all messed
up and that some don�t want to tell the Chinese people that this is so.?/P>
Qu: Gain Trust of Chinese People, Foreign Investors By Telling Truth
on Environment
Qu Geping told the journalists, �Today many people are worried that
foreigners knowing about China�s environmental problems will affect China�s
foreign relations. Although I can�t deny that there is some environmental
information that is not suitable for publication, but that is a relatively
small part of the information about China�s environment. These is no contradiction
between releasing information on environmental quality while still protecting
certain environmental information. I believe that saying that publishing
environmental quality information can affect foreign investment is just
the same as saying that we gain the trust of foreign business people by
hiding the truth. Doing that would just be a kind of trickery. Acting in
this way would harm China�s reputation and do great damage to the country.
Some people say that if the people find out about the environmental situation
they�ll either have not reaction at all or start a �rebellion? This is
lacking trust in the people. This is a people�s government. We should never
forget that in our work. We must trust in the people and rely on the people.
Giving the relatively poor characteristics and inadequate education of
the Chinese people, the publication of environmental quality information
is a good way to get people to take the initiative and involve themselves
in environmental protection.?/P>
Qu: China is a Developing Country, But Opposes Develop First and Clean
Up Later
Qu Geping continued, �Some countries use environmental problems to attack
China. But in fact, China has made much praiseworthy progress in environmental
protection over the past few years. China is a developing country. As such
it has no special responsibility to take on more arduous environmental
protection responsibilities. But China decided to turn away from the old
road of developing first and cleaning up later. As a result China has already
racked up some impressive results. For example, the �Three Barrier Forest
Belts?project which has been recognized by foreign environmental protection
experts as an �unbelievable?accomplishment. We can hold our heads high
in the international arena. The more you try to hide things, the more people
will think that you have something to be ashamed of.?/P>
Qu: Success of Environmental Work Depends Upon Public Participation
�Chinese environmental protection work has had its accomplishments but
also has its problems. The most important thing is how we handle those
problems. Treating the Chinese people like �opponents in a guerrilla war?
is no way to build trust in the government. If there are achievements,
we want to tell people about them; but if there are difficulties we need
to explain to the people about them. Environmental protection is the job
of all society. It is not something the environmental protection authorities
can do on their own. Every single victory in environmental protection in
China has come about because of the broad support of the Chinese people.
I�ll put it this way: the degree of popular participation in environmental
protection work is an important indicator of the success or failure of
environmental protection in that country.?/P>
Financing Air Monitoring Stations Has Been Difficult
While official anxiety about the public reaction to news of how bad
environmental conditions has probably been the main reason for environmental
secrecy, other reasons are to be found in the difficulties in funding the
environmental monitoring system needed to collect reliable air and water
quality data has been difficult. NEPA Vice Administrator Wang Yangzu [STC:
3769 2254 4371] told the Fifth National Working Conference on Environmental
Monitoring last Fall that the total initial cost of the monitoring equipment
totals 650 million RMB. The national environmental monitoring system reports
30 million data items each year. Half of the environmental quality monitoring
equipment China uses today was made before 1985 said Wang.
US - PRC Energy and Environment Cooperation Initiative
The Department of Commerce and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency,
as part of the U.S. - China Energy and Environment Cooperation Initiative
(EECI) have made USD 145,000 technical assistance grant available to NEPA.
NEPA can use the grant as soon as NEPA selects a U.S. contractor for the
environmental monitoring equipment purchase. A U.S. company is now discussing
the sale of USD 5 million in air quality monitoring hardware to the PRC.
Comment: Not Just Government Orders But Citizen Allies Key
NEPA officials have told the U.S. Embassy that raising public consciousness
about environmental issues is part of a deliberate strategy to encourage
citizens to put pressure on local government to enforce environmental regulations.
This theme is reflected in the State Council �Decisions on Environmental
Protection?of August 1996 and in the words of Qu Geping. Public pressure
for the enforcement of environmental laws and regulations is a strategy
to overcome the great difficulty the central government has in enforcing
central government regulations throughout the country.
Indirect Enforcement Through Government Layers is Difficult
Unlike many other countries including the United States, the central
government does not enforce central government laws directly but indirectly
through several intermediate layers of government which mirror the organizational
structure of the central government. Circulars arrive with guidance from
the central government but these are not always followed closely. Some
of these circulars are confidential orders or regulations that can only
be read by people at or above a certain level. Restrictions on journalism
and the free flow of information sometimes make it hard for the central
government to understand local conditions in detail. NEPA and the NPC Environment
committee send out survey teams to study the implementation of environmental
laws and regulations.
Release of Pollution Data Part of a Wider Trend
As the NEPA official told Embassy Beijing Environment, Science and Technology
officer last Spring, much local environmental information is not collected
centrally. According a press report, central collection of much local environmental
data began in January 1998. The public is being given more and more once
confidential information about the quality of their local environment.
However, there remain degrees of openness. Little discussion of the very
complex subject of the relationship between air pollution and health has
appeared as yet in the Chinese press. The fading of secrecy in the environmental
realm over the past year marks important progress towards increasing public
participation in environmental protection that fits into larger trends
towards greater openness in PRC society. The publication in February and
March 1998 of the first two books listed in the bibliography below is another
sign of this opening.
One Step Beyond: NEPA Calls For Daily Air Quality Reports
NEPA has called for daily reporting of air quality information beginning
this summer; it will be interesting to watch which local governments will
be willing to implement this policy. NEPA expects that the number of cities
making daily air quality reports will gradually increase.
Appendix One
Maximum Healthful Air Pollution Levels of the WHO and the USA
The WHO healthful maximums for 24-hour exposure the maximum healthful
levels for both sulfur dioxide and particulates is identical. The maxium
is a concentration in the air of 125 micrograms per cubic meter. The annual
average level for both is also identical: a one year exposure the an average
level of 50 micrograms per cubic meter should not be exceeded. These maximum
healthful levels apply to situations where significant levels of both sulfur
dioxide and particulate matter are present as is generally the case in
China. The WHO 24-hour nitrogen dioxide limit is 150 micrograms per cubic
meter. According to Chinese environmental officials, the wintertime sulfur
dioxide levels in Beijing are often considerably higher than during the
Summer and Fall (ref A). Maximum healthful exposure levels depend upon
length of exposure and sometimes on the presence of other pollutants which
may interact to aggravate health effects. [reference: �Urban Air Pollution
in Megacities of the World?Earthwatch, the Global Environmental Monitoring
System. Published 1992 for the World Health Organization and the United
Nations Environment Program by Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, England.]
The U.S. National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS) 24-hour and
annual exposure maximums are nitrous oxides (1978) 100 micrograms per cubic
meter; for sulfur dioxide 365 micrograms per cubic meter 24 hours and 80
mcg/cu-m annual; and total suspended particulates 260 mcg/cu-m 24-hours
and 75 mcg/cu-m. A stricter U.S. standard applies to inhalable particulates
of 10 microns diameter or less (PM-10) where the limit for a 24-hour exposure
is of 50 mcg/cu-m. The U.S. annual nitrogren dioxide healthful exposure
limit is 100 micrograms per cubic meter.
A good recent reference on the very complex issue of air pollution and
health is �Health Effects of Air Pollution?published in the American Journal
of Respiratory and Critical Care Vol. 153, pp. 477 - 498, 1996.
Bibliography
Confrontation: An Account of the Three Periods of Ideological Liberation
[Jiaofeng: Sanci Sixiang Jiefang Shilu] by Ma Licheng [STC:7456 4539
1004] and Ling Zhijun [0407 1807 6511]. Beijing, March 1998, Today�s China
Publishing House [Jinri Zhongguo Chubanshe].
The foreword to �Confrontation?is by Liu Ji, Vice President of the
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and reputed to be a member of President
Jiang�s brain trust. The book is part of the China�s Problems series --
earlier volumes are devoted to issues such as unemployment and other economic
and social issues. The three periods of ideological liberation are the
beginning of opening and reform in 1978; Deng beating back the conservatives
in 1992; and accelerated opening during 1997 climaxed by the Fifteenth
Congress of the Communist Party. The heart of the book is the struggle
between reformers and the obstructionism of Communist Party ideologues
(the latter cast as the unnamed bad guys). The last two hundred pages is
devoted to 1997. This best seller (a first printing of 50,000 copies is
very large in China) gives some insights into power struggles and the ideological
issues which have marked key points of contention between reformers and
ideologues in an never-ending struggle.
�China Doesn�t Want to Be �Mr. No?-- Problems of International
Strategy for Today�s China?/I>
[Zhongguo Bu Dang "Bu Xiansheng" -- Dangdai Zhongguo Guoji
Zhanlue Wenti] This is one of the ten books published thus far in the China�s
Problems series by Jinri Zhongguo Chubanshe [Today�s China Publishing House].
The book was published in February 1998 with a very large initial press
run of 20,000 copies. Author Shen Jiru [STC: 3088 7535 1172] is a researcher
at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences World Economics and Politics
Research Institute. Foreword by Liu Ji, Vice President of the Chinese Academy
of Social Sciences
This 400-page book covers a wide range of the international political
and economic problems China confronts and examines how changes in how reform
is changing China�s idea of the society on how it needs to cooperate politically
and economically with other countries. Shen Jiru calls for China to involve
itself as a full-fledged cooperative partner in world affairs working towards
a world that is multi-polar rather than dominated by one country (the USA).
Shen sees convergence between capitalism and Chinese-style socialism, and
remarks on the considerable social progress in capitalist societies over
the past century. At one point (pp. 36 - 42) Shen compares Marx�s Communist
Manifesto to the practice of western societies and finds that much of Marx�s
social program has been realized in the West.
Ideologues Stifled Thinking, No-one Has that Right
Most relevant to placing the above report on recent opening on environmental
matters in the context of larger changes in Chinese society is Shen�s statement
that there can be no forbidden areas in the search for truth. Shen added
that for a long time Chinese have had been forbidden to discuss these ideas
by certain authorities on theory since they were seen as an attack on socialism.
Shen writes (p. 42) �It is very regrettable that in the past some authorities
on theory didn�t allow people to discuss new developments in contemporary
capitalism. Even more strictly forbidden were efforts to explore the deep
reasons for this progress. The reason for these restrictions is that it
would nourish an evil capitalist wind, destroy the morale of socialist
society and make people wish for capitalism. Therefore, for quite a long
period, any discussions of the causes for progress of capitalist society
were restricted to studies of the progress of capitalist societies in science
and technology.
�If we do not acknowledge all the changes and progress in capitalism
as a result of peaceful evolution (heping yanbian) how will we ever be
able to accept our inheritance of the culture of all humanity as Deng Xiaoping
taught us? If we do not acknowledge the changes and progress in capitalist
society over the past century, that how will we be able to co-exist and
cooperate with capitalism over the long term? The test of truth is the
practice of the people of each country. No authority on theory has the
right to establish a monopoly over the right to make judgments on what
is true and what is false.?/P>
Shen calls China�s biggest problem not foreign affairs but confronting
the parochialism and rigid hierarchies in Chinese society which vastly
reduce efficiency in the economy and society. Shen calls this fengjian
(often mis-translated as feudal -- it is not Western feudalism) a word
Chinese leaders and intellectuals regularly use to characterize the closed
nature of Chinese work units and their unwillingness to cooperate and share
information.
Critical Role of the Market in Transforming Values
Shen on p. 226 writes �the heart of the fengjian thinking is to destroy
the independence and initiative of the individual. In fengjian thinking
people are not treated as human beings but as slaves to be formed to be
subservient to a leader so that the majority is just the appendage or a
mere follower of the leader. Over a long period of time these ideas permeated
into the psychology of the Chinese people and became part of their way
of thinking and their values as they look at, think about and solve problems.
But the values such as independence, initiative, equality, competition
and spirit of enterprise established during the formation of the market
are directly and fundamentally opposed to the fengjian values of dependence,
subservience, foolish loyalty and endurance of hardships.?The report above
notes how the set of attitudes and behaviors (generally called �fengjian?
in China) make it difficult for the central government to get information
about environmental problems and to see that environmental regulations
are enforced. Shen makes a much broader point -- that this phenomenon is
a serious one for Chinese society as a whole (pp. 222 - 227).]
China Energy Development Report 1997
[Zhongguo Nengyuan Fazhan Baogao 1997], edited by Yan Changle [STC:
7051 7022 2867] published Beijing, July 1997, Jingji Guanli Chubanshe.
This annual surveys developments in the coal industry, petroleum industry,
natural gas industry, electric power industry, rural energy, new and renewable
energy, energy consumption and energy markets, energy conservation, and
energy transportation as well as energy exploitation, utilization and environmental
protection. In his foreword to the volume, prominent retired scientist
and former NPC Environment Committee Vice Chairman Yang Jike [STC:2799
4787 3784] argued that China should maintain and not reduce its reliance
on coal. Yang wrote that if the pace of oil imports and more offshore oil
exploration continue to increase, China will, like the United States, get
entangled in Middle East politics. Moreover, difficult conflicts would
also arise with South Asian neighbors and Xinjiang�s Uighurs who resent
exploitation of oil resources they see as their patrimony. [Note: a prominent
PRC energy scholar told ESTOFF in November that Yang�s views are not widely
shared among officials. End note] Yang called for greater efforts on clean
coal technology to reduce pollution and greenhouse gas emissions.